<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8" standalone="yes"?><oembed><version><![CDATA[1.0]]></version><provider_name><![CDATA[Casper ter Kuile]]></provider_name><provider_url><![CDATA[https://caspertk.wordpress.com]]></provider_url><author_name><![CDATA[caspertk]]></author_name><author_url><![CDATA[https://caspertk.wordpress.com/author/cterkuile/]]></author_url><title><![CDATA[Dear Big Cheeses Who Run the&nbsp;World]]></title><type><![CDATA[link]]></type><html><![CDATA[<p><em>This is so fantastically brilliant. Read it. <a href="http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2010/08/how_to_say_no_to_an_economic.html">Umair Haque smacks it down in the Harvard Business Review.</a> I swear that the put-downs in this piece are some of the best I&#8217;ve ever read.<br />
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<p><em>WARNING: You may want to read this in a place where you can whoop and cheer.<br />
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<p>Dear Big Cheeses Who Run the World,</p>
<p>We regret to inform that you&#8217;re fired. We&#8217;re really, truly sorry  about this, but we&#8217;re going to have to let you go. It&#8217;s time for you to  pursue other opportunities.</p>
<p>In case you haven&#8217;t noticed (and who can blame you? It&#8217;s pretty hard  to see it from private jets, mega-yachts, 158th floor boardrooms, and  members-only backrooms) times are pretty tough lately, and we&#8217;ve got to  cut back somewhere. In fact, that we&#8217;re beginning to suspect that maybe,  just maybe the entire contract between us, you, and tomorrow — the  Washington Consensus, yesterday&#8217;s blueprint for building economies,  communities, and societies — is fatally broken.</p>
<p>Yes, though it did fuel a dismal sort of prosperity, we&#8217;d like to aim  slightly higher than McGrowth. Because what that seems to have led to,  at the end of the day, is a <a href="http://www.who.int/csr/disease/avian_influenza/phase/en/index.html">level-five epidemic</a> of <a href="http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2010/05/rebooting_prosperity_in_an_age.html">austerity</a>.  Your solution? Well, it&#8217;s all a little too Dr Frankenstein for us,  frankly — undead companies, banks, funds, and boards, patched and  stitched piecemeal back together, shocked back into life via the  electric jolt of yet another bailout, stimulus, or special exemption so  they can stagger on into a desolate tomorrow.</p>
<p>Thanks — really — but no thanks. We&#8217;d like to pass on your very kind,  rather creepy plan for a Frankenfuture. It&#8217;s time, instead, for us to  take a quantum leap into the 21st century; to, once again, with  steadfast determination, unyielding courage, and just a little bit of  trembling trepidation, leave the past behind — and furiously pioneer a  better tomorrow.</p>
<p>Please don&#8217;t worry about us, though — because we&#8217;re not worried about  you. Gambling away other peoples&#8217; money, glad-handing each other,  double-crossing Planet Earth, and driving companies and entire economies  into the red — these are highly employable skills, and we&#8217;re sure  you&#8217;ll land on your feet. We&#8217;ll be happy to provide a reference spelling  out your expertise at being zombie overlords, should you ever need one.</p>
<p>Just in case, though, you&#8217;re in need of some totally utopian, rather  idealistic, hopelessly naive, laughably unrealistic, stupidly hopeful,  colossally constructive, thoroughly impertinent reading material, here&#8217;s  a little crib sheet we&#8217;re leaving behind for you. It&#8217;s a brief, crude  stab at a new set of design principles that might, just might, be able  to spark 21st century economies, communities, and societies, and ignite a  more authentic, enduring prosperity.</p>
<p>Call it, if you like, the <a href="http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2009/07/today_in_capitalism_20_1.html">Generation M</a>*  Consensus — the growing consensus of a global movement dedicated to  toppling the old order, by doing meaningful stuff that matters the most.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>The Empty Vessel Rule.</strong></li>
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<p>Government, Arthur Okun famously argued, is <a href="http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/bios/Okun.html">a leaky bucket</a> — one which leaks money at every turn. Yet, though the government may  be often a leaky bucket, the corporation is just as often an empty  vessel: bereft of any purpose higher than profit. What the private  sector offers in terms of efficiency, it subtracts in terms of virtue.  So what we really need to do today isn&#8217;t merely to privatize what used  to be public, or the reverse, nationalization. We need to meld the  efficiency of the private sector with the virtues of the public sector —  to pioneer the legal, financial, and contractual basis for new  corporate forms, like <a href="http://blogs.hbr.org/haque/2010/08/reseeding_the_economy.html">forporations</a>,  that balance obligations to shareholders and the many kinds of  stakeholders; that exist &#8220;for&#8221; a higher purpose than mere near-term  profit.<br />
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<ul>
<li><strong><strong> Shadow Tax Cuts.</strong></strong></li>
</ul>
<p>Low taxes are the next item on the Washington  Consensus&#8217;s agenda: nice, but not nearly good enough. Sure, sky-high  taxes will kill prosperity dead. So what about the hidden taxes we all  pay every second of every day? Consider. The fumes smogging up our skies  are a tax. The junkfood lining the bleak exurban shelves is a tax. Most  big-box stores are taxes sucking the life, heart, and soul out of town.  Wall Street&#8217;s &#8220;innovations&#8221; turned out to be a tax. The hidden charges  and unfair fees that constitute most &#8220;business models&#8221; are the epitome  of a tax. Where the Washington Consensus ignores all these very real  taxes just a little too conveniently, the M Consensus suggests it&#8217;s time  to see them, face them, and eliminate them: steep enough shadow taxes  will render all growth meaningless and illusory, because value has  simply been extracted — not actually created.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong><strong>The Lessig Principle.</strong></strong></li>
</ul>
<p>How? Here&#8217;s one way to  counterbalance shadow taxes. Property rights, the next bullet point in  the Washington Consensus&#8217;s agenda, are essential to growth — and so  they&#8217;ve got to be enshrined, embraced, and extended. And have they ever  been. The original term of copyright was, for example 14 years; today,  it&#8217;s nearly ten times that: up to 120 years. Given that growth rate, by  2100, the copyright on this blog post will last for approximately 47  billion years. Yet, as Mike Masnick tirelessly <a href="http://www.techdirt.com/articles/20100820/00543610697.shtml">points out </a>, building on the work of scholars like <a href="http://www.lessig.org/">Larry Lessig</a>,  draconian intellectual property rights regimes stifle innovation,  entrepreneurship, and disruption, at the expense of protecting tired,  lazy incumbents (here&#8217;s <a href="http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2009/06/09/lewis-hyde-and-the-enclosure-of-silence/">an eloquent explanation</a> on why from Lewis Hyde). So where the Washington Consensus argues for a  heavy, rigid approach to property rights, the M Consensus pushes for  feather-light rights, knowing that the scarcer special privilege is, the  more real value everyone&#8217;s likely to enjoy.</p>
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<li><strong><strong>The Porter Rule. </strong></strong></li>
</ul>
<p>While IP rights, are of course, a form of regulation, the next item on the Washington Consensus&#8217;s agenda is <a href="http://www.ritholtz.com/blog/2009/09/missing-radical-deregulation-as-a-cause-of-crisis/">deregulation in almost all other respects</a>.  A giant oil spill, an even more gigantic financial crisis, and an even  more gigantic lost decade all evoke the dangers of a dogmatic devotion  to deregulation. The M Consensus, instead, subscribes to Michael  Porter&#8217;s path-breaking <a href="http://www.smallparty.org/yoram/research/porter.pdf">Porter Hypothesis</a>:  crudely put, that stricter regulation isn&#8217;t what stifles  competitiveness — it can be exactly what induces it, by encouraging  disruptive innovations to spark and catch fire.</p>
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<li><strong><strong>The People Principle.</strong></strong></li>
</ul>
<p>Perhaps the biggest incentive  we can give corporations to start getting serious about real innovation  again, then, is what might be called humanization. The next item of the  Washington Consensus&#8217;s moldy agenda is legally protecting the  corporation. It&#8217;s been taken to an absurd extreme, with the doctrine  that corporations must enjoy <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corporate_personhood">legal personhood</a>.  But (Earth to beancounters) corporations aren&#8217;t people — only people  are people. The former face few of the obligations citizens do, can&#8217;t  face the same kinds of punishments, are legally bound to maximize profit  in ways that citizens aren&#8217;t, and tend to have thousands of times more  cash, time, and power, which means they can afford to <em>de facto</em> buy rights almost no person on earth has (like hiring batteries of  lawyers to fight cases for decades). Corporations, like hammers, are  just tools. And for the same reason we don&#8217;t anthropomorphize hammers,  nor should we empower corporations with the same rights and powers as  people. Where the Washington Consensus humanizes corporations, and  dehumanizes people, the M consensus suggests unhumanizing corporations,  and rehumanizing people.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong><strong>The Uninterest Rate. </strong></strong></li>
</ul>
<p><strong><strong> </strong> </strong>So where the last item in the  Washington Consensus&#8217;s agenda is interest rates, set by markets, to  knock governments, people, and communities into shape, the final item in  the M Consensus&#8217;s agenda is what I call an uninterest rate: the rate at  which income isn&#8217;t transformed into outcomes. It&#8217;s outcomes that count.  Though we got a little bit richer, did we actually realize tangible,  enduring benefits that mattered? Or did we just get more insecure,  obese, unhappy, and disconnected? If the uninterest rate is high, it  means income isn&#8217;t translating into outcomes; because our economy&#8217;s  engines and engineers — corporations, CEOs, investors — are uninterested  in making stuff that actually makes us better off; they&#8217;re just  interested in making a quick buck. The higher the uninterest rate, the  more corporations are likely to be knocked into shape — by fed-up  people, communities, society, and investors alike. If it&#8217;s low, incomes  equal better outcomes, and the mere paper wealth we may have earned  actually matters in human terms.</p>
<p>The plight of the global economy looks a lot less like a  headsplitting hangover and a lot more like what tends to happen to a  two-pack-a-day smoker after twenty years. So what I&#8217;ve just described is  really this: the agenda for the kind of innovation that&#8217;s scarce, rare,  and valuable today: institutional innovation. That&#8217;s the kind of  innovation we need to restore economic health. And every day, I see more  and more organizations signing off on it, in ways big and small — from  Starbucks, to Pepsi, to Timberland, to Wal-Mart, to Nike, to Google, to  Tata.</p>
<p>There endeth (for now, anyways) the M Consensus. Truth be told, of  course, it&#8217;s not really a consensus, at least not yet. It&#8217;s just a  highly flawed, surely imperfect, quickly written blog post with just a  few ideas — no, not a comprehensive set of answers — for what tomorrow&#8217;s  great consensus <em>could </em>be. So fire away in the comments with your own suggestions, questions, examples, and additions.</p>
<p>*Yes, I&#8217;m fully aware I don&#8217;t speak for everyone under the age of  25, 35, 45, or 95. Nor am I trying to. There are plenty of exceptions  that prove the rule that Millennials put meaning, fulfillment, and  purpose first. That said, the &#8220;M&#8221; in Gen M doesn&#8217;t stand for  Millennials. It stands for &#8220;a movement to do meaningful stuff that  matters the most&#8221;. It&#8217;s not about your age — it&#8217;s about your values,  your vision, and your calling.</p>
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