In the preparatory context of what may happen on that date, the speech of the president of the United States, Donald Trump, was given at the International University of Florida, before an audience comprised primarily of the most rotten of the anti-Cuban and anti-Castro mafia, fervent promoters of violent and anti-democratic solutions in Venezuela. In his speech, Trump uttered the usual threats against the country, this time directly against the FANB, in addition to reaffirming his recognition of Juan Guaidó as alleged president and making an unusual apology for terrorism in the glorification that he gave to Oscar Perez.
From his words, other insights also emerge. It is more evident that the plans to invade Venezuela are part of a much broader and deeper strategy of repositioning the United States throughout Latin America and reformatting the entire continent to suit U.S. interests. In that sense they have been taking steps with the imposition of Jair Bolsonaro in the presidency of Brazil, the electoral conquest of the Argentine government with Macri, the traitorous turn of Lenín Moreno in Ecuador and the continuity of right-wing and servile governments to their interests with presidents like Piñera in Chile and Duque in Colombia. In the reconquest of the continent, because of its political and geostrategic importance, Venezuela has special importance.
It was also clear that U.S. power has launched on the world a new crusade against any alternative political system other than capitalism, and that crusade includes Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua as its main objectives. Trump’s discourse allows us to see grave fascist signs in this strategy, by presenting head-on the elimination of socialism not only as a political proposal but also as philosophy. It is, then, a grand restoration offensive.
The discourse reaffirms, in the specifics of the aggression against Venezuela, that we are in a defining moment of the interventionist plans for the country. The current phase can be qualified as a threat of war to seek to psychologically break Chavismo, mainly the FANB, in order to achieve a surrender. However, so far they have crashed (and will continue to crash) with the high morale and willingness to fight of the people, of our soldiers and of Chavismo.
We live in complex times, in which the internal economic and political crisis of the United States, as well as the loss of areas of control on the geopolitical chessboard before the growth and strengthening of countries like Russia and China, lead U.S. imperialism to forceful and desperate measures in its eagerness to remain the hegemon of the world.
In Venezuela it is necessary to broadly include all the nationalist and patriotic sectors of the country in a concrete way. In order to do this, it is essential to create broad spaces for encounters that outline a National Alliance for Peace, Sovereignty and Democracy. That alliance must include people who differ from Chavismo but who, with sanity and wisdom, oppose the warlike mandate of Guaidó and Voluntad Popular. The military political leadership of the Bolivarian revolution must take the initiative, with great breadth and strategic flexibility. These are not times of sectarianism or purism. National unity for peace must go beyond the PSUV and the government.
The revolutionaries of the world, the peoples who fight for the right to build a more just and democratic human society, and to create a world based on relations of solidarity, mutual respect for the sovereignty and self-determination of the peoples, must prepare ourselves for more difficult and complex scenarios than the current one. Effective solidarity among the peoples and governments of the world that reject the hegemonistic, supremacist and imperialist aspirations of the United States is an imperative today. More than an option, it is a historical necessity.
National Coordination of the Revolutionary Current Bolívar and Zamora
Translation by Internationalist 360°