<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8" standalone="yes"?><oembed><version><![CDATA[1.0]]></version><provider_name><![CDATA[the commune]]></provider_name><provider_url><![CDATA[https://thecommune.wordpress.com]]></provider_url><author_name><![CDATA[internationalcommunist]]></author_name><author_url><![CDATA[https://thecommune.wordpress.com/author/internationalcommunist/]]></author_url><title><![CDATA[report: conference on working-class political&nbsp;representation]]></title><type><![CDATA[link]]></type><html><![CDATA[<p><strong>by Chris Kane</strong></p>
<p>About 120 people attended Saturday&#8217;s conference, which was called by the RMT rail union.  It was much smaller  than a similar event held a few years ago and unfortunately clashed with the  anti-war march and the Socialist Workers Party conference.  The event itself was not built widely  with a clear agenda or purpose.  The  contrast between the vibrant militant youth of the anti-war mobilisations and  this conference could not have been greater: it was veterans of the left, mostly  over forty, male and white.   But there was an open and extensive debate  and plenty of time was allowed for contributions from the floor.</p>
<p>RMT leader Bob  Crow opened the  event by responding to criticism by a 90 year old communist who said that &#8220;this is  just a talking shop&#8221;. Crow defended it on the basis that &#8220;there is a need to talk to  break down the barriers of the past&#8221;.   He said that if New Labour were to found itself as a political party today  there would hardly be a &#8220;trade union which would affiliate&#8221;.  It was in his view a thoroughly  capitalist party and could not be reclaimed: he praised John McDonnell MP and  Jeremy Corbyn MP, and pointed out that when they are gone, there will be no similar  people to replace them.<!--more--></p>
<p>Crow stated that &#8220;unless we change society into a socialist society then  you will lose the gains made in times of slump and recession&#8221;  On the key question of an alternative for  the labour movement Crow said there was a need for a new working class  party.  He himself and others  had been &#8220;in and out of more parties than Amy Winehouse&#8221; but he said this was  not a failure: it was part of a &#8220;pathway to a mass political party&#8221;&#8230; which he  did not know how long it would take to create. Three months, three years or  twenty years? In his own personal  opinion what was needed was a People’s Charter. He felt if the left could not  work together around such immediate needs outlined in a charter then it is  unlikely it could unite in a new party.   Crow also lambasted Ken Livingstone&#8217;s initiative &#8220;Progressive London&#8221;. Noting that  nobody in the hall would be considered &#8220;progressive&#8221; enough to be invited, he  reminded the fake &#8220;Red Ken&#8221; that progressive should not include &#8220;calling on  people to cross picket lines when they want to fight privatisation and defend  their rights&#8221;.</p>
<p>Brian Caton of  the POA (Prison  Officers&#8217; Association) gave a militant speech focused on the issue of what had  happened at the Trade Union Congress over the motion for a general strike for  the Trade Union Freedom Bill – &#8220;There are people on the UNITE delegation who  should hang their head in shame,   sitting on voting cards to deny democratic rights&#8221;. He pointed out that their call for a  general strike was &#8220;not a joke&#8221; and they would be raising it again – but he went  further stating that &#8220;rank and file trade union members need to reclaim their  unions from the leaders&#8221;.  Caton was  clearer on representation, arguing that the time was now to take the initiative  to set something up. As part of this process he will be inviting a range of left parties to  speak at a meeting at the POA conference so that delegates can hear what they  have to say.</p>
<p>Mary  Davis of the  Communist Party of Britain &#8211; a leading labour historian &#8211; gave an interesting  speech.  She said the crisis in  working class representation was not new and that workers&#8217; representation can taken  different forms.  In particular we  need to look beyond the foundation of the Labour Party; the labour movement was  not always as it is now.  In  particular the revolutionary tradition of Chartism, &#8220;TUC education for the  commonwealth used to insist history started after Chartism&#8221; she pointed  out.  Davis endorsed a new People &#8216;s Charter pointing to  the fact that representation is not only about being in Parliament and called  for building a “non sectarian movement of resistance”.</p>
<p>John McDonnell  MP also endorsed  the idea of a People&#8217;s Charter; he praised direct action as a necessary means to  defend working class people. McDonnell described the steps which had taken place  to form the Trade Union Coordinating group in parliament, and the united front  perspectives of the Labour Representation Committee. McDonnell emphasised that  he was &#8220;an optimist: you need to be or you end up in the Big Brother  house&#8221;.</p>
<p>The question of the proposed new People&#8217;s Charter permeated the  contributions from the floor.  The  Socialist Party had the biggest turn out of the left groups and made a number of  contributions: they pointed out that a petition as being proposed did not  necessarily contradict a political initiative and called for standing at least  fourteen or fifteen candidates backed by unions like the RMT. Smaller successes  around the country at various times have shown there was potential to make  gains.  Many speakers from various  currents made this point: yes a new People&#8217;s Charter may be a good thing but we  still need to mount a political challenge, especially to provide an alternative  to the BNP.</p>
<p>There was a sense of frustration coming over from many speakers, expressing the  desire that there could be  agreater level of unity achieved.  Colin Fox of the Scottish Socialist Party  reminded the conference of what had been achieved in Scotland, giving us a snapshot of what  could be done: we are, he argued, &#8220;punching beneath our weight&#8221;.   Despite calls on the RMT and  others to take the initiative to found a new workers&#8217; organisation, whether a  workers&#8217; party or workers&#8217; representation committee, there is little indication  this is about to happen in the immediate period.</p>
<p>To lay the blame at the door of the RMT for this situation would however be  completely wrong.  It has done more  than anyone to address the question, whatever its limitations.   If we are to look to the unions to solve  the crisis of workers&#8217; representation, and indeed save the left from itself,  then we also need to consider the role of the other radical unions.  The Trotskyist Socialist Party control the leadership  and machinery of the civil service union PCS, none of whose leaders or leading  figures attended this conference.   Here is a union which could also take the initiative on workers&#8217;  representation, but so far the Socialist Party has done next to nothing on the  question through PCS and has indeed sabotaged some efforts.</p>
<p>The main focus seems to be with the People&#8217;s Charter initiative to be  launched at the end of the month.   Of course if it remains a bureaucratic top down initiative, which denies  participation and involvement of those it seeks to represent, it will wither on  the vine like other traditional left failures.  However if this initiative can unite the  radical trade unions and the left of the labour movement, social movements etc.  then it may increase the potential for a new formation which can cohere into  an alternative to New Labour. The RMT itself has a policy to convene  regional conferences on workers&#8217; representation and select candidates for  elections. The original Chartist movement born in 1838 was built through mass  rallies and mobilisations which elected delegates to the Convention of the Industrious Classes,  which was to oversee the struggle for the original People&#8217;s Charter.  If the existing RMT policy can be fused  with the new Chartist proposal, then we will be learning well from the experience of the  most revolutionary movement the English working class has ever  seen.</p>
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